Speech by Minister Boris Pistorius at the National Press Club of Australia

During his visit in Australia, the Federal Minister of Defence of Germany, Boris Pistorius, addressed the National Press Club in Canberra on the topic “Germany and Australia: Partners in an Era of Strategic Competition”.

Ms Henderson, 
Mister Reilly,
Professor Medcalf,
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is a great honor to be here today. Since their foundation, both the National Security College and the National Press Club have become leading fora for strategic thinking and debates on global issues.
Having come from Germany to Japan, Singapore and now Australia, I can say with conviction: travel truly broadens the mind. When you travel this far, you quite literally turn your mental map of the world upside down.

I tend to start my speeches talking about a topic that I am at least as passionate about as international politics: Sports.

Be it “Footy”, Cricket or my favourite sport – soccer – all of them have one thing in common: Being a team player matters. It is the team spirit that overrides individual talent. The bottom line is: Cooperation is crucial.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
What is true in sports is even more true in politics today. Especially at a time when the global landscape is becoming more complex and less stable. When rules are being questioned and attacked. When more and more players in international politics choose acting alone over acting together.

In times like these, when nationalism is on the rise around the world, we must not forget: Today’s world is more and more interconnected. Day by day. Whether we like it or not. Conflicts, economic crises, natural disasters – they occur in one region of the world, but their cause might be rooted in another region far away.

In today’s security environment, geographic distance no longer guarantees security. Many of the current conflicts and wars are linked to one another. Theatres of conflict may appear regional. But security today is global.

The war in Ukraine shows these interdependencies day after day. Battle after battle.

Drones used to attack Ukrainian cities are made in Iran and supplied to Russia. Trains loaded with North Korean artillery shells travel thousands of kilometres across Russia all the way to the frontline in Ukraine. Thousands of North Korean soldiers have been fighting alongside Russian troops in Ukraine.

All this helps Russia sustain its war effort and strengthens the political and military ties between Moscow and Pyongyang.

The relationship between Iran and Russia also connects the war in the Middle East with the war in Ukraine. In exchange for Iranian drones, Russia has reportedly shared intelligence with Iran to help the regime identify potential targets.

Moscow is also supporting Iran with advanced drone tactics based on battlefield experience from its war in Ukraine. These tactics have been used to hit US and Gulf nation targets in the Middle East.

Kyiv has sent drone interception experts to the Gulf in order to share Ukrainian know-how in countering the low-cost, but high-effect Shahed drones.

While all of this is happening, Beijing has taken a cautious but strategic position: China is careful not to be directly involved in these wars. But it certainly draws conclusions from them for its own ambitions and aspirations.

By trading with Russia in areas ranging from natural resources to dual-use goods, China helps Moscow mitigate the effects of Western sanctions and, consequently, continue its war effort.

It is paying very close attention to how the United States and its allies respond to these conflicts, especially to Russia’s war against Ukraine.

So the question “to support or not to support Ukraine” can also have an impact on Taiwan and the security situation in the Indo-Pacific.

What happens in Europe, doesn’t stay in Europe. And vice versa: what happens here, also affects Europe.

This interconnectedness in global trade, of commodity markets, in energy prices, of domestic consumption, and of the international order calls on us to cooperate. We are in this together. We need partners. Especially in a world where autocracies are on the rise. Where more than 70 percent of our global population do not have the privilege to live in a democracy.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This is the world as it is. Not the world we would wish for.

There are many ways to take action. But business as usual is certainly not one of them.

What does this mean for us? I would like to focus on three points:

First: Security in Europe and security in the Indo-Pacific are two sides of the same coin.

This is evidenced by how much of a difference Australia’s support has made on the battlefield in Ukraine.

From day one, you have supported our Ukrainian friends, and you are the biggest supporter of Ukraine outside of NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization. For that, we are extremely grateful.

You took a stance and made it very clear to Russia:

• The international community does not accept this illegal war.
• Australia stands strong in the face of Russia’s atrocities.
• The international order matters to Australia and other partners in the Indo-Pacific – regardless of whether it is being attacked in your own neighbourhood or on a continent half-way across the globe.

Looking at the other side of the coin, we as Germans and Europeans understand that a failure to address the challenges in the Indo-Pacific will embolden authoritarian regimes and undermine the credibility of the international order.

Our primary geographic responsibility remains Europe, especially in light of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.

Yet, in an interconnected strategic environment, geographic distance must not be mistaken for strategic irrelevance. A truly comprehensive European security approach must comprise Indo-Pacific security as well.

To Germany, partnerships beyond Europe are a strategic necessity. That is one of the reasons for this trip, which first took me to Japan and Singapore and now to Australia.

And that is why we started our Indo-Pacific Deployment in 2021. Deploying our frigate “Bayern” to the Indo-Pacific was a visible sign of Germany’s willingness to contribute to maintaining the freedom of navigation and to upholding the rules-based international order.

This deployment, the first of its kind for the German Navy in almost two decades, saw the “Bayern” passing through the South China Sea, conducting exercises with allies, and demonstrating Germany’s commitment to the region despite the vast distance.

That is also why we participate in air force exercises in Australia. With Pitch Black 2022 and 2024, we invested in interoperability with our partners in the region.

In 2024, we increased our presence: During the Indo-Pacific Deployment in July 2024, I visited the frigate “Baden-Württemberg” and the combat support ship “Frankfurt am Main” off the coast of Hawaii.

As part of our renewed engagement in the region, we participated – together with Australia - in the multinational RIMPAC exercise.

By crossing the Taiwan Strait, our Navy also sent a clear signal in support of freedom of navigation.

We also showed our capability to deploy our Air Force in different theatres around the globe. And this year, we will once again take part in the prestigious exercise PITCH BLACK 2026.

I would like to take this opportunity to thank our Australian friends for your great support as a host nation throughout the years!

Furthermore, together with you, we are participating in the Pacific Security Maritime Exchange to enforce UNUnited Nations sanctions against North Korea.

This shows our commitment to upholding international norms and to taking on responsibility within the global security architecture.

Building on these experiences, Germany will send a maritime patrol aircraft and parts of a sea battalion to the Indo-Pacific in 2027. And in 2028 we will – again – participate in RIMPAC.

All of these deployments, joint exercises, as well as our diplomatic presence and economic engagement foster cooperation. They build trust.

They strengthen the ties with our allies in the region. And they enhance collective security.

They also strengthen our relations with a crucial player in the region: the United States. To me, one thing is crystal clear: Without a strong US presence, the Indo-Pacific would be less safe. For us and for our allies.

We will remain engaged in the region out of a deeply held conviction: A peaceful Indo-Pacific is in Europe’s interest. It is in Germany’s interest.

My second point concerns our approach to security issues: Resilience and deterrence are crucial for our security. This is all the more true in a world characterized by global interdependencies and geopolitical competition.

Germany has taken enormous steps in the past year to build up its deterrence.

We have drastically increased our defence spending. To do so, we took a huge step: We amended our constitution.

This speaks volumes of how serious we are about our commitment to security and defence. We will reach our new defence spending target of 3.5 percent by 2029.

We reformed our military service law. This will lead to much stronger active forces and a more resilient reserve.

We are meeting NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization’s targets on investment, procurement, and readiness.

We have significantly scaled up investments in our defence industry, expanded production capacities, and streamlined our procurement processes.

In everything we do with regard to defence, one thing is clear: Our goal is to protect ourselves and our partners and allies in Europe. We will not act alone. We will always coordinate with our allies. As a reliable partner.

The task at hand for us now is to adopt a more resilient, coherent, and capable defence posture — one that can absorb shocks, and reflect the full spectrum of European security interests.

To be honest, this is quite the balancing act: On the one hand, it is of strategic importance for us to keep the United States engaged.

We need them to be on Ukraine’s and on our side in the confrontation with an aggressive and revisionist Russia. And for the foreseeable future, the US nuclear umbrella is indispensable for effective deterrence.

On the other hand, we have to stand on our own feet more and more.

Our American allies want to see a European-led NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization. And we have acted and are acting to build a more European NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization. A NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization in which Europeans bear the brunt of conventional deterrence and defence.

In other words: NATONorth Atlantic Treaty Organization has to become more European to stay transatlantic.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

strong defence capabilities are only one of the many aspects of resilience. Another important aspect is a strong and resilient economy.

Having reliable access to resources is crucial. Russia’s war in Ukraine had us cut dependencies, especially in fossil fuels.

We had to learn the hard way that our dependence on Russian gas was a strategic vulnerability. This is why we quickly diversified our energy sources and expanded our use of renewable energies.

In the same vein, we need to reduce supply chain dependencies when it comes to – for example – semiconductors, rare earths, and pharmaceutical products. For Germany, this is particularly pertinent given our high level of dependence on China and other countries.

In all of these areas, we are looking for partners such as Australia who are willing to work with us based on mutual interests and a shared commitment to economic resilience. The trade deal and the Security and Defence Partnership between Australia and the EUEuropean Union are great examples of this deepened partnership.

Building a strong defence industry at home and working with key partners across different continents from Japan to Singapore to Australia is part of this economic resilience.

Our goal is to increase the capacities of our defence industry. We achieve this by being a reliable partner and procurer at home.

And by supporting our industry across the globe. This is why it was important to me to bring leaders from some of our key defence companies on this trip to the Indo-Pacific.

With Australia, we can build on our cooperation on the Boxer vehicles, which has deepened strategic ties between our two nations.

My Australian counterpart and I just signed a joint Letter of Intent, which helps us strengthen our cooperation in space to enhance situational awareness.

I firmly believe that this type of cooperation among middle powers across different continents will make us stronger.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This brings me to my third and last point: In times of great power competition, it is on us middle powers like Australia and Germany to uphold the core principles of the international order.

Imagine you are watching a German soccer match: The rules are clear: no hands, goals count between posts, ninety minutes of play.

Now, imagine that halfway through the game, one team suddenly changes the rules: They pick up the ball, tuck it under their arm, and begin charging down the field, tackling opponents along the way.

At that moment, the German fans would look at each other in complete confusion. Because what started as a soccer match has suddenly turned into “Footy”.

Many Australians might say: That’s not a bad thing! The problem is that if you change the rules in the middle of the match, the game falls apart.

The same is true for the global order: Rules, institutions, and agreements were not created for their own sake. They only work if the large majority of our nations abide by them.

As an export-oriented nation, Germany’s security and prosperity greatly depend on stability, freedom of navigation, and respect for international law in and around Europe, in the Indo-Pacific and across the globe!

These core principles are enshrined in the UNUnited Nations Charter: prohibition of the use of force and respect for sovereignty and international law. And this should apply to each and every one of the 193 members of the United Nations.

The good news is: Our network of defenders of the rules-based international order spans across the globe. After my visit to Japan and Singapore before coming here, I am now reassured that middle powers in Europe, in the Western hemisphere, in Africa, and in the Indo-Pacific can make a difference when it comes to upholding rules and principles of international politics.

We all are determined to defend these principles, because they help us protect our freedom, our sovereignty, our territorial integrity, and our prosperity.

To do that, we have to unlock the potential of our partnerships – in trade and investment, in science and technology, and – in particular – in security and defence. That is why I am here!

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Geographically, Germany and Australia are literally a world apart. But in today’s world, distance matters less than ever before.

Strategically, our two nations are extremely close. We share democratic values, we depend on open trade routes, and we believe that sovereignty and territorial integrity are non-negotiable.

This week’s journey has shown me once again: Time is pressing. Together, we must write the next chapters of the international order.

Across the globe, Germans are notorious for their efficiency.

Australians are known for their optimistic attitude towards life.

Let’s combine German efficiency and Australian optimism to build a safer and more stable world.

Let’s use our synergies.

Let’s deepen the trust between our nations.

And let’s shape the international environment so that it better represents what we stand for: reliability, strong rules and institutions, respect for each other, and the determination to shape our future together.

Thank you.